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Scandal in Africa
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Scandal in Africa
By Joshua Hammer


With his ruthless seizure of power in the June 27 runoff election in Zimbabwe, following a well-organized campaign to intimidate and murder members of the opposition, Robert Mugabe joined Myanmar's military junta at the top of the list of the world's most despised dictators. Both the Burmese generals and Mugabe's inner circle have enriched themselves while reducing their people to near starvation. They have jailed, tortured, and killed supporters of democracy, and shrugged off years of international condemnation. Moreover, unlike Myanmar's secretive regime, Mugabe and the cabal that supports him have seemed to enjoy flaunting their contempt for democracy and their easy embrace of violence.

That cabal is led by hard-line members of the Zimbabwean military and a handful of cabinet officials who served alongside Mugabe in the independence war of the 1970s. They include the commander in chief of Zimbabwe's armed forces, General Constantine Chiwenga, and Emerson Mnangagwa, an heir apparent to Mugabe who, as minister of national security in 1983, allegedly oversaw the massacre of thousands of political opponents in Matabeleland. "He is a man with the capacity to be more vicious than Mugabe," I was told by University of Zimbabwe political analyst John Makumbe.

Mnangagwa was one of the principal orchestrators of the campaign of violence and intimidation against the opposition launched in April—known as CIBD, or Coercion, Intimidation, Beating, and Displacement. (According to recent reports, over a hundred opposition supporters have been killed and more than 200,000 displaced.) And Mugabe, after initially conceding defeat in private and considering resignation or negotiation, quickly embraced the hard-liners' position. "We are not going to give up our country because of a mere X," Mugabe declared in the midst of his bloody campaign last month, rejecting any pretense of a legitimate election. "How can a ballpoint pen fight with a gun?"


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The dictator's spokesman, George Charamba, told the press that Western governments who criticized Zimbabwe's election could "go hang a thousand times. They have no basis, they have no claim on Zimbabwe politics at all." That kind of thumb-in-the-eye defiance has intensified the world's sense of impotence and prompted a hard look at the question: Is there anything that can be done now to get rid of Robert Mugabe?

The days following Mugabe's ghastly recoronation ceremony saw the first test of international resolve. Leaders from Gordon Brown of Great Britain to Kenya's new prime minister Raila Odinga assailed the state-sponsored violence that forced Morgan Tsvangirai to take refuge in the Dutch embassy and withdraw from the race, leaving Mugabe the sole candidate. "What is happening in Zimbabwe is a shame and an embarrassment to Africa in the eyes of the international community and should be denounced," Odinga said, in perhaps the strongest words of condemnation ever uttered against Mugabe by a fellow African leader.[*]

Former South African president Nelson Mandela broke with Thabo Mbeki's long and shameful silence on the issue to condemn, during a major public appearance in London, Zimbabwe's "failure of leadership." George W. Bush tightened a travel ban that already targets 250 people and companies associated with Mugabe's illegitimate regime, and forbids Americans to do business with them. Canada ordered new travel restrictions on senior Zimbabwean officials and their families and barred Zimbabwean-registered aircraft from Canadian air space. In addition, the US and Great Britain pressed the UN Security Council to freeze Mugabe's assets along with those of eleven senior Mugabe officials, ban them from traveling outside the country, and impose an international arms embargo. But the US resolution calling for sanctions was vetoed by Russia and China on July 12.

It's hard to imagine, however, that any of these initiatives would make much difference. Targeted sanctions have been in effect against the Mugabe gang for nearly a decade—when the dictator launched his violent land grab against white-owned farms and sent the economy into free fall—and, at best, they've proven a minor inconvenience. (Most existing travel bans don't include the families of Mugabe's inner circle; as a result, some of the most ruthless suppressors of democracy send their sons and daughters to elite schools in the United States and Europe.) While it's true that a Security Council–ordered asset freeze and travel ban would have hurt them more, the recent dual veto showed that getting the UN to speak in one voice against dictatorships, no matter how heinous, has almost always been nearly impossible.

As in the case of Myanmar, China had a key part as Zimbabwe's protector against the US effort to pass a Security Council resolution punishing the dictatorship. Russia led the veto of sanctions, claiming that Mugabe's election thuggery was an internal matter beyond the scope of the United Nations. But China, the biggest investor in Zimbabwe, with huge stakes in its mines and lucrative deals to provide weapons and ammunition to its military, happily followed Russia's lead. Meanwhile, South Africa under President Mbeki has provided Mugabe's regime with diplomatic cover, as well as fuel, power, and international bank accounts for his inner circle—and that shows no signs of changing now.


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The difficulty of getting the world to act together became particularly clear at the African Union Summit in Sharm el-Sheik on June 30, the day after Mugabe's swearing-in ceremony. South Africa's Anglican Archbishop Desmond Tutu and other world figures had called on African leaders to refuse to recognize Mugabe when he showed up at the meeting. But there was no such repudiation, only a tepid collective call for "dialogue" between Tsvangirai and Mugabe and for the formation of a national unity government—as if both men had a legitimate claim to victory. Ignoring the systematic murders, beatings, and displacements of thousands of supporters of Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change, an AU observer statement said only that "the vote fell short of the African Union's standards of democratic elections."

Again, Mugabe's chief protector, South African President Mbeki, hid his support for the dictator behind another call for African solutions, rejecting a European Union position that it would accept only a Zimbabwean government led by Tsvangirai. "The result that comes out of that process of dialogue must be a result that is agreed by the Zimbabweans," Mbeki said on the radio, ignoring the fact that a majority of Zimbabweans had already voted to remove Mugabe—only to be brutalized by a regime that had no intention of giving up power.

Not everybody views the AU conference as a bleak development. The willingness of several African leaders in Sharm el-Sheikh and elsewhere on the continent to condemn Mugabe marked a sharp break from the past, insists David Coltart, a Zimbabwean opposition leader and one of two white members of Parliament. "Even ten years ago what Mugabe has done would be a non-event," Coltart said. "Now a significant and increasing number of African leaders are embarrassed, even angry, about his behavior." Such waning in his support is unlikely to affect Mugabe or his inner circle immediately (even Mandela's criticism was brushed off last week as having been manipulated by the West). But it could, Coltart argued, eventually have a significant effect. "Mugabe has been able to keep his supporters going because of their belief that Africa is on their side and they will ultimately prevail," he told me. "The moment they realize that that is no longer the case Mugabe [or his cabal] will weaken dramatically."

But what hope is there for serious change in the short term? The chances of a Kenya-style sharing of power by Mugabe's ruling clique and the Movement for Democratic Change seem slim. Mugabe and the Joint Operations Command—the military hard-liners that surround him—see little reason to negotiate, believing, probably correctly, that there is little the world can do to stop him. There are some dissenters within the upper echelons of the ruling party: Vice President Joyce Mujuru, for example, a former independence fighter known by the nom de guerre Comrade Spillblood, reportedly expressed misgivings in cabinet meetings about the campaign of violence, as did some lower-ranking generals and colonels. Predictably, the hard-liners won out.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu last week raised the possibility of military intervention to unseat Mugabe, calling for a deployment of UN peacekeepers or AU forces. But barring a Rwanda- or Darfur-style catastrophe on the ground, that clearly won't happen. With inflation running at one thousand percent per day, and mass starvation and state-sponsored violence occurring across the country, Zimbabwe could at some point implode, and the world's powerful nations will have to reconsider what can be done. But Zimbabwe will probably fade from the headlines as world attention shifts to the next crisis. The atrocities of the last two months will be transformed into the quiet terror that Mugabe's citizens have come to expect from their government.

—July 17, 2008

July 27, 2008 | 10:25 PM Michango  0 Michango


Building A Better Future Call for Appointments

Hello

As all of you may know I have been working on my project for quite some time. I am currently seeking members of BABF to contribute by writing proposals to seek funding. - Respond with proposal writing.

I will be also giving access to web designers. I would to have some manage our website - Responde with web site developer.

I will also be seeking a resource assistant - This person will supply resources for obtaining funds via organizations that are allready involved in specific areas.

I will still need to travel to Africa - I beleive I can retrieve all that is needed if I can get assistance with prosal writing.

There are many more opportunities. Since BABF is unique in its mission and how to develope in using natural resources and resources that are readly available by making this project sustainable.

There is so much for me to do on my own and greatfull for all the help that members have contributed and hope that you all will continue to. I will have to start within stages.

Phase One - Building
This phase is already underway. We have acquired the land to build the telecentre on. We have to gather funding for the blueprints. There is already a volunteer in place at the site.

Phase Two - Computer Intergration
We will exploring opportunities and the best way to obtain computers for this project ,have them installed and delivered safely. What is the best possible sources

Phase Three - Self Sustainablity- Renewable Energy
This section with contain information on the way BABF with create self sustainablity by renewable energy farming.

Please note that this forum will be locked. Due to the sensative nature of the project and its constitents.

September 14, 2007 | 2:34 PM Michango  0 Michango
Tapa:


Help support girls' education around the world

It's fall, which means back-to-school time!

Please take part in an unprecedented opportunity to support CARE's work with women and girls around the world. For every friend you tell about CARE and the importance of girls' education, businesswoman, entrepreneur, and CARE Ambassador Sheila Johnson will unlock $5 of the matching funds she has committed to CARE!

It's easy to participate! Ask your old school friends, colleagues and neighbors — whomever you'd like — to learn more about CARE's education and anti-poverty programs around the world, and you'll unlock $5 for each person you tell. It only costs $49 to send a girl to school for a year in some countries. Tell 10 friends and $50 will be unlocked—that's enough to send a girl to school for an entire year!

As a CARE supporter, you know how dramatically education can improve the life of a child, particularly if that child is a girl. Women with a basic education have lower rates of HIV infection and they earn more money. Their children are more likely to live past their fifth birthdays and have lower rates of malnutrition. In fact, no country has reached sustained economic growth without achieving near-universal primary education for boys and girls.

Every day, CARE invests in girls through our education and women's empowerment programs around the world. We know from experience that once empowered with an education, a girl can bring unimaginable change to her community. Please, tell your friends about CARE and the power of girls' education today.

Use this exciting opportunity as a chance to reconnect with friends old and new. Not only will you educate people close to you about the importance of girls' education around the world, but you will support CARE's life-changing, anti-poverty programs in the world's poorest communities.

Thank you for sharing this unique opportunity with your friends and family, and for all you do to educate and empower women around the world.

https://my.care.org/care/advocacy/jewellsb-329502

Sincerely,

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September 7, 2007 | 10:38 PM Michango  1 Michango


Talking Points on the G8 and Africa

June 5, 2007

Two years after the Group of 8 (G8) wealthy nations’ summit of 2005 – with its promises to prioritize the health, well being and economic development of Africa – the G8 nations will convene again this week. This opportunity to revisit the G8 promises reveals that too much time has been wasted and too little action has been taken towards reaching these goals.

While the G8 countries make up a minority of the world’s population, they control a majority of global GDP, and thus possess the crucial capacity to direct attention and funds to the most pressing issues of our time. Yet, the priorities of the Global South, a majority of the world’s population, are consistently given short shrift, as rich elites control the global decision-making bodies and determine the flow of resources.

Key goals were set in 2005: the G8 pledged to cancel the onerous debt of low-income countries; to achieve universal access to HIV/AIDS treatment by 2010; and to drastically boost foreign aid, with a particular focus on Africa. As the G8 leaders meet in Heiligendamm, Germany for the 2007 summit, new action must be taken to demonstrate that these stated objectives reflect more than just rhetoric.


The 2005 Gleneagles G8: Pledges Made and Broken

As a result of significant international pressure generated by activists pushing for social and economic justice, the 2005 G8 summit agenda’s focus on Africa was specifically highlighted, and the G8 leaders boldly proclaimed their intention to address the causes of poverty in Africa. Nevertheless, the stated goals that emerged barely begin to tackle the injustice and deep-rooted sources of Africa’s poverty, and even these targets have not received adequate attention from the elite wealthy nations.

Debt cancellation. Despite proclamations to the contrary, the 2005 G8 did not come near the goal of “100% multilateral debt cancellation.” Recent updates show that 22 countries did qualify for debt cancellation through the Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative (MDRI), or 2005 G8 debt deal. Of these, 18 were African nations, and on average, each African country’s debt was cut by just under 65%, far below a full cancellation. These countries were also forced to institute economic conditions imposed by the international financial institutions in order to become eligible, a process accomplished over the course of years and unnecessarily delaying the gains afforded by cancellation.

Where debt cancellation becomes available, countries have used the opportunity to direct the newly freed resources towards investments in health, education, infrastructure and more. In Ghana, debt cancellation has been used to fund free early education, and in Mali, the funds were invested in improving the water supply and roads. The G8 nations must now work to expand debt cancellation for all countries currently burdened by massive and un-payable debt.

Universal access to HIV/AIDS treatment. The G8 proposed the year 2010 as a target date for the realization of universal access to HIV/AIDS treatment. At the current rate of progress, less than half of all people in need of vital and life-prolonging medication will be receiving it by 2010. The pandemic continues to wreak its worst ravages in sub-Saharan Africa, which represents only 10% of the world’s population but makes up approximately two-thirds of the world’s HIV/AIDS cases.

The U.S., along with its G8 partners, must commit to rapidly boost the funding directed towards the expansion of access to treatment, especially in Africa. The U.S. must therefore increase its contribution to the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, a crucial vehicle in the worldwide effort to combat HIV/AIDS, and it must work with the international community in setting up concrete benchmarks on the path towards universal access.

In May 2007, President Bush announced that the AIDS budget would be increased from $15 billion to $30 billion. However, the potential gain from this still insufficient expansion in funds will be severely constrained, unless ideologically based restrictions – such as the focus on abstinence-only prevention strategies – are removed. The pace of the HIV/AIDS pandemic continues to drastically overwhelm the U.S. and international community’s political will to address it.

Increased foreign aid. Almost forty years ago, in 1970, international donor nations committed to the goal of devoting 0.7% of their national incomes to foreign aid. To this day, no nation has come close to achieving this goal. U.S. levels of aid in 2006 stood at only 0.17% of gross national income. Despite the promise to increase worldwide aid by $50 billion by 2010, at the current rate, this goal will fall short by $30 billion. Moreover, official figures of development assistance continue to be inflated, as debt cancellation is double-counted as aid. In order for increased aid levels to be fully effective, they must be accompanied by 100% debt cancellation, representing a net gain for recipient countries.


The Heiligendamm G8: The 2007 Agenda

The G8 summit this week again turns to Africa, with the theme of “Growth and Responsibility.” While this heading purportedly refers to the need for responsibility on the part of African governments, the G8 must recognize its own significant responsibility as the international community works toward ensuring economic and human development, and guaranteeing the protection of human rights. As the G8, under the leadership of the German presidency, seeks to amplify its interaction with Africa, African voices must not be excluded in the discussion of the continent’s key priorities.

Genocide in Darfur. As the violence, loss of life, and displacement of communities continues into its fifth year, the ongoing genocide in Darfur must be a key element of the G8 discussion of peace and security in Africa. The United Nations (UN) reports that the number of people dependent of humanitarian assistance for survival is nearing four million. UN reports also confirmed the continuation of Sudanese government-sponsored aerial attacks on villages in Darfur in recent months. Yet, effective action by the international community to ensure the protection of vulnerable civilians has been held up by the persistent opposition of the Sudanese government.

The U.S. must work with the other G8 member states and with the rest of the international community to create a global partnership in opposition to genocide in Darfur. The economic sanctions targeted against key Sudanese companies and individuals, announced at the end of May by President Bush, represent one element of a larger imperative to increase pressure on Khartoum, but this unilateral action is nowhere near enough. The G8 must work to rally multilateral support for the deployment of a robust multinational protection force to provide security for Darfur and to create stability for a peace negotiations process.

Predatory activities of vulture funds. In the aftermath of the partial debt cancellation that a handful of countries have received in recent years, a new and potent threat has emerged. Vulture funds, or companies that make huge profits by buying a country’s debt at a reduced price and then suing for the full amount, are siphoning away debt cancellation gains. In a recent case, Donegal International purchased debt owed by Zambia for $3.3 million and sued the Zambian government for $55 million. After a protracted and expensive legal case, a British court ruled that Zambia must pay $15 million to the vulture fund, more than a third of the debt cancellation gains Zambia anticipated for 2007.

Due to debt cancellation, Zambia had previously used the newly available funds to eliminate user fees for basic health services. This ability has now been severely curtailed by the profit-minded activities of a vulture fund. Across Africa, these cases are increasingly common. The G8 nations must take strong action to ensure that its efforts to cancel debts in Africa and elsewhere are not undermined by vulture fund activities. The G8 must work with the international financial institutions to ensure that country debts are not available for purchase by vulture funds, and G8 nations must use legislation to make such activity impossible in future. A code of conduct to ensure responsible lending practices on the part of creditors must also be a part of a long-term strategy to protect African nations from vulture funds.



The resources needed to tackle the major challenges of poverty and exploitation are available, and the G8 nations possess the capacity to direct these resources effectively. But the past two years have demonstrated that the political will to act quickly and purposefully is lacking. If the international community is to assist Africa in reaching the targets for health, education and development, urgent action must be undertaken by the G8 now. The year 2007 must mark a turning point – the world will hold the G8 accountable for its commitment to move towards these crucial targets.

August 8, 2007 | 11:03 PM Michango  0 Michango


Campaign to Cancel Africa's Debt

Africa's massive external debt burden is the single biggest obstacle to the continent's development and to the fight against HIV/AIDS. The over $200 billion that African countries owe to foreign creditors represents a crippling load that undermines economic and social progress. The All-Africa Conference of Churches has called this debt "a new form of slavery, as vicious as the slave trade".

The albatross of illegitimate debt diverts money directly from spending on health care, education and other important needs. While most people in Africa live on less than $2 per day, African countries are forced to spend almost $14 billion each year servicing old, illegitimate debts to rich country governments and their institutions, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Over the past two decades, African countries have paid out more in debt service to foreign creditors than they have received in development assistance or in new loans.

Much of Africa's foreign debt is illegitimate in nature, having been incurred by unrepresentative and despotic regimes, mainly during the era of Cold War patronage. Loans were made to corrupt leaders who used the money for their own personal gain, often with the full knowledge and support of lenders. These loans did not benefit Africa's people. More generally, many Africans question the notion of an African “debt” to the U.S. and European countries after centuries of exploitation. They ask, “Who really owes whom?”

Yet, despite the social and economic costs of this massive outflow of resources from the world's poorest region, the wealthy creditors of Africa's debts continue to insist these debts be repaid.

For years, the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative, a debt relief framework launched by the World Bank and IMF in 1996, failed to provide a solution to the debt crisis. Designed by creditors, this initiative was intended to extract the maximum in debt repayments from poor countries. It failed even to meet its stated objective of reducing Africa's debt burden to a “sustainable” level.

In July 2005, following years of civil society campaigns in Africa, the U.S. and elsewhere, the Group of Eight (G-8) rich countries announced a deal on debt cancellation for 18 impoverished countries, 14 of which are in Africa. The World Bank and IMF approved this debt package in September 2005. Separately, the Paris Club of rich country creditors recently finalized a deal to cancel some of Nigeria's massive external debt, after moves by the Nigerian parliament to repudiate this debt. In the deal, which covered $30 billion in debt, Nigeria had to pay 40% of the total, or $12 billion. Those funds would have been more appropriately and justly directed at reducing poverty and achieving other development goals. Nigeria is not eligible for debt relief under the HIPC Initiative, and civil society in that country has long demanded cancellation of Nigeria's odious external debts.

While the G-8 deal marked a small victory, it still fell short of the promises of 100% debt cancellation made by G-8 officials in 2004, and it did not take full effect until July 2006. The deal still leaves the majority of African countries on “debt row,” required to meet harmful economic conditions as a condition for future debt relief or cancellation. Moreover, both the G-8 deal and the Paris Club deal for Nigeria failed to recognize the illegitimate nature of Africa's debt. African governments must still spend billions of dollars each year repaying old, illegitimate debts at the expense of urgent priorities like the HIV/AIDS pandemic.

The U.S. is the single largest shareholder in the World Bank and IMF, the institutions to which most of Africa's debts are owed. As such, it holds major influence over the international response to Africa's debt crisis. An independent audit of these two institutions has revealed that they can afford to write off Africa's debt completely. Recent IMF reports have also demonstrated how debt cancellation can be financed primarily through IMF gold and secondarily from World Bank reserves without harm to these institutions.

The U.S. should use its power to achieve the cancellation of all of Africa's debts. Just as the U.S. advocated for the cancellation of Iraq's odious debts, it should apply the same standard to the illegitimate and odious debts African countries still have to repay. Debt cancellation is essential to the continent's efforts to fight HIV/AIDS and poverty, and to regain its economic independence.

Africa Action condemns the repeated failure of the U.S. and other wealthy creditors to take sufficient decisive action on the debt crisis. Our Campaign to Cancel Africa's Debt mobilizes pressure on the U.S. government to push for 100% unconditional debt cancellation for all African countries. Please see Africa Action's statement on what constitutes 100% debt cancellation for Africa. The statement also highlights the relationship between debt, health, and HIV/AIDS.


August 6, 2007 | 10:57 PM Michango  1 Michango


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